Bush linked to WTC security

Meaty bits of information on 9-11 continue to surface as a variety of independent investigators scrutinize available records and other data.

For instance, the Internet publication The Progressive Populist, learned that the company that furnished security for the World Trade Center, United Airlines and Dulles Airport in Washington, D.C., was financed by a private Kuwaiti-American investment company and also had close ties to the Bush family.

Company records were not open to public inspection. G.W.’s younger brother, Marvin, was a board member of Securacom, as the company was formerly known. He served as a director from 1993 to 2000, when most of the big contracts were carried out. The White House has revealed nothing about all of this.

What public records are available show Marvin Bush was a stockholder in the company, and a significant one at that. Today the company is known as Stratesec, Inc., and is located in Sterling, Va., a suburb of Washington. The younger Bush is no longer on the board.

Securacom also had a contract to provide security at the Los Alamos National Laboratories, and we all know what a fiasco that was. Stratesec lost its listing on the New York Stock Exchange in October of last year.

Barry McDaniel is the present CEO of the security company. He said Securacom held a contract for security at the WTC “up to the day the buildings fell down.” Far from being investigated in connection with 9-11, the company and other firms associated with it have been benefited by legislation pushed by the Bush White House and rubber-stamped by the GOP-dominated Congress.

Stratesec, KuwAm, and their corporate officers all will be helped by limits on liability and national security shields from investigation furnished by legislation since Sept. 11.

Marvin Bush also served as a director of HCC Insurance Holdings, Inc., a reinsurance corporation. He was on that board until November of last year (his term coincided with his last year on the Stratesec board). The company, formerly Houston Casualty Company (HCC), benefits from terrorism insurance protections.

HCC carried some of the insurance for the World Trade Center. After the attacks, it posted a loss for the quarter and dropped workman’s compensation. Bush is still an adviser to the chairman and the board of directors, and serves on the firm’s investment committee.

Stratesec added a government division in 2000 and today holds an open-ended contract with the General Services Administration and a Blanket Purchase Agreement with GSA that allows the government to buy materials and services from Stratesec without going through a bidding process.

Stratesec lists among its government clients the Army, Navy, Air Force and the Department of Justice. In 2000, the Army provided about 29 percent of the company’s earned revenues—$6.9 million.

The White House stonewalled an independent commission to investigate 9-11 until after the terrorism insurance protections and legal shields for security companies had been passed by Congress. It also has intervened in lawsuits against American Airlines in New York, which were brought by the families of 9-11 victims.

Securacom’s three biggest clients in 1996-97 were the World Trade Center, the Metropolitan Washington Airport Authority (Dulles Airport) and MCI, now called WorldCom. Marvin Bush was a director of KuwAm along with Mishal Yousef Saud al Sabah, chairman of KuwAm, who also was a director of Securacom.

According to filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission, Securacom/Stratesec obtained the $8.3 million WTC contract in October 1996. It brought in 28 percent of the company’s earnings that year. SEC documents show that earnings from the WTC contract began in 1996 at $1.6 million, grew to $6.6 million in 1997, and dropped off in 1998 to less than $1 million.

Retired FAA special agent Brian Sullivan is angry about the cozy arrangement between the American and Kuwaiti executives. “You can have all the security systems in the world,” Sullivan said, “but the people behind the systems make the difference.” He said the Bush administration “spit in the faces” of the victims’ families by steamrolling protections for foreign-owned security companies into the Homeland Security Act.

Sullivan notes that “not one single person” in a top-level position has lost that position as a result of 9-11, “not in the FBI, CIA, FAA, DOT. No accountability, no progress.”

Difficult to escape is the clear implication that any investigation into security arrangements before 9-11 has been thwarted by the White House for narrow political purposes.

Rather than disclose Bush family interests in the security industry and face possible embarrassment, the Bush administration has closed ranks and stonewalled all efforts to get at the truth. Every public statement appears to be aimed at distracting public attention away from Americans doing business with Middle Easterners, especially if their name is Bush.

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