Myths that divide us

Myths that divide us

By David Hale

Myths that divide us

“Black Americans cannot succeed because our country is racist.”

If you’re like many others, this statement doesn’t sit well with you. Yet many contemporary civil rights leaders claim that it’s the tragic truth. How can you counter the inflammatory charge that we live in a racist nation, a country of victims and victimizers?

John Perazzo’s powerful and timely book, The Myths That Divide Us, gives you the answers. This book has drawn rave reviews from such eminent commentators as Dr. Walter E. Williams, David Horowitz, Michael Medved, and George Gilder. In it, you discover how black-white relations are sabotaged by demagogues who mischaracterize our country as racist. You see their false claims demolished by solid evidence. Drawing on mountains of important sociological research, Perazzo demonstrates that the most serious social and economic problems currently afflicting black Americans are not due to societal racism but to issues within the black community. Just consider a few of the hundreds of remarkable facts his book gives you:

Countless studies show that fatherlessness, not race, is by far the most accurate predictor that a child will end up in poverty or in prison. And today, about 70 percent of black children are born into fatherless homes.

Seventy percent of long-term prison inmates, and 70 percent of juveniles in reform institutions, were raised without a father.

Eighty-five percent of all black children living in poverty are raised in single-parent homes.

The incomes of fatherless black families are only about one-fourth as high as the incomes of two-parent black families. A similar disparity exists among white one- and two-parent families.

Ever since 1981, black families with two college-educated, working adults have earned more than similar white families in every age group and in every region of the United States. As early as 1970, black, two-parent families outside of the South were already earning more than comparable white families.

Black full-time workers today earn slightly more than white workers of the same age, sex and I.Q.

Black defendants are slightly less likely to be prosecuted and convicted of felonies than white defendants charged with similar crimes.

Though blacks commit more than half of our nation’s murders, nearly 60 percent of all Death Row inmates are white.

Ninety-four percent of all black homicide victims are slain by other blacks.

Violent white criminals select black victims for just 3 percent of their crimes, while black criminals choose white victims for 54 percent of their crimes. All told, 89 percent of all interracial violence is black-on-white.

Because of affirmative action, black applicants are much more likely than white applicants to be admitted to the college of their choice, even though whites score about 200 points higher on the Scholastic Aptitude Test.

Affirmative action has heightened racial tensions while doing virtually nothing to improve the economic condition of black Americans. Black economic progress was already well underway and proceeding at a brisk pace long before affirmative action even existed.

Black progress in such realms as income, high school graduation rates, life expectancy and home ownership was faster between 1940 and 1970 than after the rise of affirmative action in the early 1970s.

Though significant numbers of blacks surveyed perceive that white society strives to limit their opportunities and civil rights, polls show that racist, white attitudes have diminished remarkably in recent decades. For example, 93 percent of eligible whites say they would be willing to vote for a black presidential candidate, and scarcely one in 100 whites favors racial discrimination against blacks in the workplace.

Perazzo further shows that many of those who focused world attention on the evils of South African apartheid are silent about the far greater atrocities perpetrated by black governments on black victims throughout Africa. You learn that even under apartheid, more blacks actually moved into South Africa than left it—because the economic and social conditions in neighboring African nations were worse. And you discover that many denouncers of past centuries’ white-on-black enslavement remain silent about the black-on-black servitude which pervaded Africa during the very same epoch and which still exists in several African nations today. This book’s vivid narrative of Africa’s horrific black-on-black atrocities, which have been utterly ignored by virtually all civil rights leaders of our day, make for an unforgettable reading experience.

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